Letters to a Young Dictator
Or, Letters from a Senior Autocrat to a Misguided Democrat
Cieo is thrilled to publish secret correspondence between Presidents Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelenskyy, as discovered by Ben Jesty.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 was preceded by a flurry of well-publicised diplomatic activity as a ‘parade of Western officials sought to stop Putin from attacking Ukraine’. In addition to the overt diplomacy, much went unseen. We are delighted to publish recently discovered letters between Presidents Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Their correspondence began soon after the latter’s election to the Ukrainian presidency and shaped the soon to become public crisis. Putin, seeing himself as in every way the superior offered to mentor his ‘junior partner’.
The exchange offers a fascinating insight into the psychology of Putin and the arguments he used to justify his autocratic actions. In their debate we see wide-ranging arguments for and against dictatorship presented from each President. We also gain a privileged insight into their characters and the factors that shaped their world views. Some readers may see an ironic resemblance between these letters and those of Rilke’s Letters to a Young Poet, or Christopher Hitchens’ Letters to a Young Contrarian. Those who take a stronger position on Vladimir Putin may see in him parallels with the senior devil in CS Lewis’ Screwtape Letters. It is striking that in this digital age, letters are the medium selected for this exchange. Putin’s aversion to the internet and email, believing them to be tools of the CIA, is well documented and explains his decision to write letters, with all the risks that entails.
Like C.S. Lewis, we cannot disclose how we came by these letters, except to say that they were smuggled out of Kyiv early in the war. To say more would jeopardise the safety of those who helped get them to us. It will surprise nobody that they were released with Zelenskyy’s blessing. Putin’s, belated realisation of this potential embarrassment may explain the assassination squads sent into Kiev early in the war to target Zelenskyy. This is itself a clue to their authenticity. Nonetheless, the editors have had to take due precautions to confirm their legitimacy. They will form an important part of the historical record which we believe should be brought to the world’s attention as early as possible. It would be disingenuous to pretend that we did not also have an eye on protecting our own professional reputations (the shadow of the Hitler Diaries haunts us still). These assurance processes have resulted in a delay to publication, but we trust our readers will forgive this as a necessary evil. They are assured that every word has been comprehensively vetted by a panel of leading orthographical, forensic, linguistic and cryptographical experts. We have tried, throughout this translation, to remain faithful to the original Russian styling but without compromising clarity. Readers will find some illumination of the origins of the conflict and can reach their own conclusions on the arguments presented.
Letter One
Moscow
22nd April 2019
Dear Volodymyr Oleksandrovych!
Regarding the Ukrainian Presidential Election
I write to offer my heartfelt congratulations on your election as President of Ukraine. You will have received telephone messages and faxes from many new friends around the world. Those in the West will no doubt be promising you friendship and prosperity. Beware their lies and temptations. No foreign power can replace the bond between Russia and Ukraine’s people. It is as the head of Ukraine’s oldest friend and partner that I write, in expectation of a close and productive relationship between us.
I observed your rise from entertainer to politician with great interest; you have already grasped the most important point that government is a performance. I have seen some episodes of your TV show Master of the People [Eds – Servant of the People. It is difficult to know if this mistake was a deliberate slight or just carelessness] and I applaud the way you have made fiction reality. The blurring of the distinction shows some genius and tells me that we can achieve much together if you approach our relationship with pragmatism. Now you are commencing the serious business of government. You will acknowledge, I know, that I have considerable experience in this area and that ‘the milk on your lips is still wet’ [Eds – Russian idiom synonymous with ‘wet behind the ears’]. I therefore wish to offer my support and advice, as a mentor if you will, to help you to secure your position and consolidate your power.
My first act as mentor is to encourage you to reflect on the limitations of democracy and how to counter its destabilising influence. Your securing of popular support for your campaign against corruption will be a very useful weapon when it comes to dealing with troublesome opponents. Some will say this is not democratic, but ‘democracy means a dictatorship of the law’ (if I may quote myself) and we make the law. We have seen enough examples of the diktats of so-called liberal democracies over recent decades to ask what exactly is liberal about them (except for their interpretation of the rules of the international order)?. In Kosovo, Iraq, and Libya they have overturned the rules because it did not suit them. They were strong enough to get away with it – there is a lesson there for us. I have been very vocal on this point for many years; you should watch my 2015 address to the UN General Assembly. Your pledge to end the conflict in the Donbas is an easy sop to the public, showing your appreciation of the soporific effect of peace promises. However, I can help you to achieve this and have some ideas that I will discuss with you anon.
For the time being let me reiterate my congratulations and offer the hand of friendship from one heir of Kyivan Rus to another. I am confident we will be able to resolve our small territorial disagreements and establish a mutually beneficial unity.
Sincerely,
